Around Africa -
A Publication of the Africa Faith and Justice Network
TABLE OF CONTENTS
AFJN Rapid Response Network
Zimbabwe on the Brink
Bush Official Meets
African Farmers Alert
Bush Administration Undermines Clean Diamonds
Child Soldiers Alert
Recent AFJN Sign-Ons
Secret de Polichinele
DEAR AFJN MEMBERS & FRIENDS:
As we begin the year 2002, AFJN board and staff
wish you a Happy New Year! May the Divine Wisdom guide us as we work
together to alleviate the human suffering particularly widespread
throughout the continent of Africa. Despite moments of despair, we believe
we can make a difference because the problems plaguing Africans are
largely human-made. By changing policies and practices, we can help
Africans to remove many of the obstacles to achieving their hopes....
On December 4 the boards of Africa Faith and Justice Network and of the
Washington Office on Africa met jointly to explore whether and how greater collaboration could
boost the effectiveness of both organizations. Participants found the meeting timely, stimulating
and productive, and they agreed to meet twice a year. AFJN and WOA staffs currently are exploring
more concrete and regular forms of staff collaboration. In addition, AFJN staff organized two
retreats to review work roles and concretize AFJN advocacy strategy for 2002. We were delighted,
at our second retreat, to welcome Katie Donohoe on board as AFJN’s new part-time development
As we went to press, news arrived of the horrific devastation caused by the
volcanic eruptions near Goma in eastern Congo. A human rights activist with whom our staff has
worked lives in an area trapped by lava flows. We pray for her and the hundreds of thousands of
Congolese who have lost their homes and possessions, on top of all the suffering they have lived
through during years of conflict. Will the world notice? Or will it again ignore these wretched
of this earth?
Marcel Kitissou, PhD
Executive Director, AFJN
JOIN AFJN'S RAPID RESPONSE NETWORK
We have established a Rapid Response Network for AFJN members who have access
to email! This is an easy and effective way to reach your member of Congress (MC) on important
matters of just U.S. policy toward Africa. Joining the network means:
Taking action on the AFJN email
alerts you receive
Circulating the alerts to others
Copying AFJN on the action you
Along with each action alert you will receive:
To Join the AFJN Rapid Response Network
Email Larry Goodwin at firstname.lastname@example.org
with your name, email address, city and state. Include your Congressional District
if you know it. Thanks for helping us to be a more effective voice for and with Africa!
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ZIMBABWE ON THE BRINK
By Carole Collins
Zimbabwe’s political crisis deepened in December and January as reports of
political violence, mostly by supporters of the ruling ZANU party, rose significantly in advance
of the Presidential election scheduled for March 9-10.
Many feel Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has made a mockery of efforts by
African leaders to broker a political breakthrough. Despite promises of human rights reforms made
to the Commonwealth, the European Union (EU) and SADC, Amnesty International notes little
sign that ZANU’s intimidation, torture and killings of political opponents have slowed. On
January 21 Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo criticized failure to implement last September’s
Abuja Peace Accord after meeting Mugabe and then opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai in Harare in
an effort to ease the political crisis.
By the end of January many schools were closing due to teachers’ fears of
political violence. Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has
described the situation as "low-intensity civil war." On January 20, scored were wounded
when police and ZANU militants prevented MDC supporters from attending a public rally in Bulawayo.
As a result, African and western policymakers and NGOs have begun gearing up
for sanctions and for dealing with the political and humanitarian ramifications of possible
post-election civil conflict. Reuters reported that the South African government had begun
preparing a camp for Zimbabwean refugees should developments reach "meltdown.” Australia
has developed plans to evacuate its nationals if civil unrest significantly worsens.
Desperate measures... Mugabe has
deployed ever more desperate measures to intimidate growing opposition to
he stacked Zimbabwe’s High Court with pro-ZANU
appointees willing to declare his land expropriation program legal, in
hopes this might blunt critiques by MDC backers and the international
- In December he postponed Mayoral elections in
hopes this would slow the momentum of public support for the opposition
MDC, which has won several recent Mayoral elections in large urban areas
- in early January Mugabe accused Zimbabwean
whites and the MDC of anthrax attacks on his government
- this month ZANU Parliamentarians (MPs) passed a
law allowing security forces broad powers to curb political opposition
and barring millions of Zimbabweans abroad from voting
as AFJN went to press, ZANU MPs planned to
enact severe new media restrictions that would bar foreign reporters,
jail reporters for sowing ‘alarm and despondency’ and bar reporting on
without a ZANU membership card, most rural Zimbabweans are finding it impossible to travel, get medical treatment, seeds
and other agricul- tural aid, or obtain school places for their children
Central to Mugabe’s strategy to stay in power has been the misuse of army and
police units to support anti-MDC violence by ZANU militants. He recently raised army and police
pay by 100%; top army commanders also said they would refuse to accept the election outcome should
the opposition win. Mugabe’s emerging governance-style recalls that perfected by the late
Zairean dictator Mobutu - unleash military units to attack and loot civilians wherever the
political opposition is gaining support. Mugabe has resisted some political and military allies’
urging to step down and appoint a successor to maximize ZANU’s electoral prospects.
Civil Society increasingly active... Civil society groups have spoken out strongly against
Mugabe’s policies, but to little avail. Recent statements critical of ZANU
and/or Mugabe were issued by the Human Rights Forum (saying the Abuja
agreement was a ‘dead letter’); the Zimbabwe Human Rights Association
(condemning the violence); the National Constitutional Assembly head (who
denounced ZANU attacks); the Manicaland Churches; the Legal Resources
Foundation; and the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (which charged that
the forthcoming elections were being rigged). Last October Zimbabwe’s
Crisis Conference Coordinating Committee urged SADC to create an
independent monitoring presence to investigate conflicting reports around
the land invasions, rural violence and election-related intimidation, a
call echoed by Amnesty International in mid-January.
Absorbing one lesson from Zambia’s recent election (where competing
opposition candidates split the vote, allowing the election of President Chiluba’s hand picked
successor), ZAPU has announced it will not run a presidential candidate against MDC presidential
Mugabe’s growing international isolation ... In mid-December U.S. President
George W. Bush signed the Zimbabwe Economic Recovery Act into law. [For a summary of its
provisions, see Around Africa, April 2001] This followed a series of meetings
called by Nigerian President Obasanjo, by the Commonwealth, and by SADC
seeking to persuade Mugabe and ZANU to abide by the rule of law. In each
case ZANU and Mugabe – most notably at ZANU’s annual December party
conference – gave lip service to respecting human rights but maintained or
escalated violent tactics.
Despite Mugabe’s end of January decision to allow some EU election observers,
the Commonwealth moved towards possible suspension of Zimbabwe’s membership. The European
parliament in December urged a freeze of Mugabe’s assets and a travel ban on Mugabe and his
closest associates. EU foreign ministers were slated to discuss Zimbabwe Jan. 28 in Brussels and
at a Commonwealth committee on Jan. 30.
The U.S. stepped up its diplomatic pressure in mid-January with a visit to
Zimbabwe by Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Lorne Craner. During a visit
to South Africa, Congressman Ed Royce, chair of the House's Africa Committee, noted that in
addition to boosting pressure on Mugabe to allow a free and fair election, the U.S. was moving to
locate millions of dollars reportedly deposited abroad by Mugabe and his cronies.
SADC has remained ambivalent, a product of members’ own unresolved struggles
over land redistribution. In mid-September SADC leaders tried to facilitate dialogue to ease
Zimbabwe’s political crisis, persuading Mugabe to meet with MDC head Morgan Tsvangirai. But in
mid-December a communique by SADC’s Ministerial Task Force on Developments, issued at the end of
a 2-day visit to Zimbabwe, claimed the situation was improving. In mid-January Amnesty
International said SADC appeared “unwilling to confront the deepening human rights crisis in
Zimbabwe,” and opposition leader Tsvangirai in a BBC interview decried SADC’s “double
standards and hypocrisy” in failing to more forcefully condemn human rights abuses by ZANU.
The Congo war.. Zimbabwe’s military involvement in the Congo remains
highly unpopular among ordinary citizens. Zimbabwean troops, possibly as many as 10,000 soldiers,
have been recalled from the DRC, reportedly to boost votes for Mugabe (since most Zimbabweans
abroad will not be allowed to vote) but also to allow their deployment in pro-MDC urban areas. But
military units vital to DRC Pres. Joseph Kabila’s security remain in Kinshasa, and Mugabe and
other top ZANU allies seem determined to hold onto whatever investments in the DRC that might bear
Carole Collins is Policy Analyst for AFJN
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BUSH ADMINISTRATION'S TOP AFRICA POLICYMAKER
MEETS AFRICA-FOCUSED NGOs
by Marcel Kitissou
On January 8, Walter Kansteiner, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for
African Affairs, met with members of the Advocacy Network for Africa (ADNA), a coalition of over
250 national, regional and local groups – including major religious groups – seeking more just
U.S. policies toward Africa. During his hour-long visit, he outlined Bush Administration policy
priorities toward Africa and how September 11 has added security concerns to these priorities,
before responding to ADNA members’ questions.
Kansteiner outlined five major administration policy goals for Africa:
supporting economic development,
including raising per capita GNP and living standards, mainly through
the private sector and public-private partnerships, which he views as
more effective than foreign aid
supporting democratization, civil
society capacity-building and an independent judiciary, noting that
little foreign investment would flow to countries lacking security or
protection for such investments
responding to Africa’s HIV/AIDS
crisis, both bilaterally and multilaterally, including via the Global
protecting Africa’s environment,
including its rainforests and tourism industry, the largest employer and
second largest foreign exchange earner on the continent
conflict resolution, essential if
other goals are to be met
Kansteiner noted that post-September 11 counter-terrorism concerns have
heightened U.S. scrutiny of Sudan and Somalia but that the U.S. would proceed cautiously before
deciding on any military intervention. He noted the Treasury Department’s use of ‘forensic
accounting’ to track terrorist financial flows, corrupt money and money laundering.
ADNA members queried Kansteiner on a variety of issues, including use of
bilateral aid to fund U.S. consultants; Bush efforts to weaken conflict diamonds legislation;
possible U.S. support for anti-government forces in the Sudan; whether human rights might be
sacrificed to U.S. security concerns; the African Crisis Response Initiative; the U.S. response to
Africa’s HIV/AIDS pandemic, and many others. He characterized the Africa Growth and
Opportunities Act, the U.S. trade bill opposed by AFJN, as a “tremendous building block”
for strengthening U.S.- Africa relations and said he was actively seeking more funds to expand
U.S. diplomatic staff in Africa.
He described the New African Initiative proposed by African leaders as both encouraging and
frustrating, but praised its emphasis on agricultural development, education and crisis
prevention. On debt relief, he said they were working, against World Bank and IMF opposition, to
gain backing for President Bush's proposal to turn 50% of WB/IMF lending into grants for Africa.
Marcel Kitissou is Executive Director or AFJN
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THE ARUSHA ACCORDS
by Fidele Dikete, CICM, with assistance from Carole Collins
Last July Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni convened the 15th Summit
of the Regional Peace Initiative on Burundi in his role as Summit Chairman. Attending were
presidents Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya, Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania, Pierre Buyoya of Burundi, Nelson
Mandela, former South African president who is currently facilitator for the Burundi Peace
Process, representatives of other African heads of state and representatives of the OAU and UN.
The summit centered on two contentious issues:
who should lead the Burundi
government as president during the transitional period; and
how to reach a ceasefire between
the Tutsi-dominated Burundi army and the two main Hutu armed groups,
CNDD-FDD and FNL-PALIPEHUTU, which had broken with Burundi’s main Hutu
political parties in remaining largely outside the Arusha peace talks
Burundi participants agreed to split the three-year transitional period into
two halves, with a Hutu and Tutsi leader alternating as president and vice-president every 18
months, but remained divided on the sequence. In July they suggested that the president of the
G-10 group of (mainly Tutsi) political parties serve as Burundi’s president during the first
half of the Transitional period, and the head of the G-7 group of (mainly Hutu) parties be
vice-president. However, the G-10 failed to agree on who should be president, and the CNDD
initially opposed nominating FRODEBU leader Domitien Ndayizeye as vice president.
Following heated debate, however, Nelson Mandela as facilitator persuaded
participants to agree to Tutsi President Pierre Buyoya serving as Burundi president for the
initial transitional period and FRODEBU’s Ndayizeye (Hutu) as vice president. During this first
18-month period, the president – who assumed office in early November – was tasked with:
seeking full implementation of the
soliciting a regional and
international peacekeeping force [Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal and South
Africa subsequently offered troops, and Belgium logistical help, to
ensure implementation of the accords]
offering protection to all
political leaders returning from exile
relinquishing power at the end of
the 18-month period
By December, observers could see both progress and continuing challenges on the long road to peace. Progress was reflected in the
growing numbers of returning exiles; the approval of a Transitional Constitution; the arrival of
700 South African troops in Bujumbura to reinforce a final ceasefire once it is reached; donor
willingness to begin committing resources for reconstruction and development and to consider debt
relief; and the failure of two army coups by hardline Tutsi elements.
However, many challenges remain. Trust and confidence levels are low on both
sides, and the peace process remains fragile. Since the accord was signed, human rights groups
(including Human Right Watch) have reported numerous human rights violations, including killings,
rapes, and other crimes. Army-rebel confrontations and violence have risen (possibly due to last
minute jockeying for political leverage, nervousness as to whether a peace agreement would really
benefit them, and/or a lack of command and control).
The main Hutu armed opposition forces still remain largely outside the accords
and have accused both Tutsi and Hutu political parties of ‘hijacking’ the peace process. The
CNDD recently raised several old demands, including seeking to negotiate only with the army rather
than with political parties. There has been little progress toward creating an all-Burundi
protection force, and the Tutsi army is resisting fundamental reforms until a ceasefire is firmly
Many feel the Transitional Government needs to move more rapidly to create a
new Senate, announce a provisional amnesty, release political prisoners (an issue raised at Arusha
by the FDD), create institutions for more democratic and accountable governance – and move to
identify and tackle the root causes of the war.
To emerge from its spiral of communal violence, all Burundi parties ultimately
must address the difficult issues of accountability and impunity. The Arusha agreement calls for
UN involvement in forming an international tribunal on war crimes. Others feel some form of Truth
Commission must be crafted to help Burundians look beyond group versions and perceptions of
history. Independent media may play a key role in helping this happen.
Complicating the peace process in the coming months will be the political
impact of returning politicians and refugees and the continuing impact of the security and
political situations in neighboring Congo and Rwanda. The World Bank, in an effort to deal with
these regional dynamics, is set to approve in March a major regional reconstruction and
rehabilitation program for all three countries.
Fidele Dikete is staff intern for AFJN. Carole Collins is Policy Analyst for
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HIV/AIDS ACTION ALERT
AFJN and other groups concerned about Africa’s AIDS/HIV pandemic are making a
major push between now and April to get $2.5 billion for global AIDS programs included in the
Congressional Budget Resolution! And we need your help!
We are asking you to
Write or call your Senators and Representatives starting NOW [Congressional
Switchboard: 202-224-3121. NB Fax numbers for members can often be found on their office's website
listed at www.house.gov and www.senate.gov]
Request that they write to the
leaders of the House and Senate Budget Committees to urge that $2.5
billion to stop global AIDS be included in the Budget Resolution for
Request a personal meeting to
discuss this issue with your senators and representative during the
mid-February Presidents’ Day recess (Feb 18-22). These local visits will
be key to the success of this campaign.
Experts estimate that the international
community must spend at least $10 billion per year to effectively stop the
global spread of aids. Only $1.5 billion from all sources was spent in
2001. The U.S. can well afford to take more substantive action today to
reduce the damaging impact HIV/AIDS is having on the world.
For fiscal year 2002, the U.S. is providing $578 million for AIDS programs
sponsored by U.S. agencies, including the Agency for International Development and others, plus
approximately $200 million for the Global Fund. We are seeking a total U.S. funding level of $2.5
billion, about half for programs of U.S. agencies and half for the Global Fund.
Why action is needed now!
The next three months will be critical to
fighting AIDS in Africa and other regions. Congressional Budget Committees
are making key decisions now on how much U.S. funding will go toward the
fight against global AIDS for fiscal year 2003. Budget Committee members
involved in preparing the 2003 Budget Resolution need to hear from their
constituents that they support the massive increase in funding vital for
effective prevention, care and treatment of AIDS-HIV, as well as support
for orphans. They also need to hear from their congressional colleagues
that their constituents are extremely concerned about the issue.
If any of your members of Congress (MCs) sit on the Budget Committee, you can
help to pour on the pressure! Please contact the Global Aids Alliance to coordinate action
with other local activists - email email@example.com.
If your members of Congress are
not on these committees, it is still vitally important to ask them to write to the leadership of
these committees to urge an earmark of $2.5 billion for total U.S. funding for global AIDS
Senate Budget Committee: Sen. Conrad (D-ND), Chairman; Sen. Pete Domenici
(R-NM), Ranking member
House Budget Committee: Rep. Jim Nussle (R-IA), Chairman; John Spratt
(D-SC), Ranking Member
AFJN can send you additional background information upon request, particularly
if you are planning to visit your members of Congress. These materials include contact info for
other activists in your area, quotes from editorials in major newspapers in support of funding
increases, statements of support by various organizations, and additional info on global AIDS to
justify the funding request. You can also find these and other materials on web site: www.globalaidsalliance.org
Major points to make
The U.S. is not doing enough to
show real leadership and can well afford to do much more to help stop
You support providing $2.5 billion
in FY 2003 resources to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and malaria,
and to bilateral AIDS programs
These funds should be in addition
to – and not at the expense of – other programs of international aid to
You urgently request that your MC
contact the leadership of the Budget Committee to ensure that these
funds are included in the budget resolution
For more information, please contact Carole Collins, AFJN Policy Analyst, at
(202)-832-3412 or firstname.lastname@example.org
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AFRICAN FARMERS ACTION ALERT
Rep. Maxine Waters (D-CA35) and five other members of Congress have introduced
the Agriculture and Farm Resources for the Indigenous Communities of Africa Resolution (the
AFRICA Resolution - H. Con. Res. 260) to uphold AFRICAN FARMERS’ rights over their OWN
seeds and food crops. The AFRICA Resolution expresses the sense of Congress
that African farmers' rights to save and use their agricultural and biological resources should be
upheld under international trade law. The resolution is consistent with the position of the Africa
Group at the World Trade Organization that seeds, plants, crops and other agricultural genetic
resources should not be patented.
Help protect African farmers' rights! Contact your Congressional Representative immediately.
Urge her/him to cosponsor H. Con. Res. 260 - the AFRICA resolution.
For more information, please contact Larry J. Goodwin, AFJN Assoc. Dir. for Organizing, at
(202) 832-3412 or email@example.com
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BUSH ADMINISTRATION UNDERMINES CLEAN DIAMONDS
by Larry J. Goodwin
The Bush administration has seriously undermined the integrity of the Clean
Diamond Trade Act (H.R. 2722), a measure intended to bar rebel movements in Sierra Leone, Angola
and elsewhere from using illicit trade in diamonds to fund their operations.
After several years of hard work by NGOs, including AFJN, and with the
cooperation of the diamond industry, a conflict diamonds bill of real merit came before Congress
last year. President Bush has basically destroyed this important effort. As now written, the House
version does not require the president to prohibit the importation of conflict diamonds. Rather,
it states that the president "may" prohibit such imports as long as the prohibition is
necessary to protect the essential security interests of the U.S. and is consistent with U.S.
foreign policy aims.
This change turns the original intent of the legislation - to prevent traffic
in conflict diamonds - on its head. Instead of reserving the power to waive the prohibition
against importing conflict diamonds in a case of national security, now the president may
prohibit such imports, but only if the prohibition itself is necessary to safeguard U.S. national
or security interests. Otherwise not! This results in the absurd situation of having to
demonstrate that prohibiting the import of conflict diamonds from Sierra Leone or the DRC is
essential to our security! The Bush Administration has effectively hijacked the Clean Diamonds Act
by making U.S. interests the touchstone of the measure rather than cutting off illicit resources
to protect the hapless victims of armed conflict, as originally intended.
What are we left with? We now have a House bill that says the president may
prohibit the importation of conflict diamonds if he wants to and if it is essential to our
security that he does so. We have a bill that disregards a long-sought international certification
Contact your senators, telling
them to reject the Bush-imposed version of H.R. 2722 coming out of the
Write to President Bush, stating
your opposition to the compromises his administration has forced in the
E-mail your senators by going to: www.senate.gov/contacting/index.cfm.
E-mail President Bush at: firstname.lastname@example.org
Larry J. Goodwin is Associate Director for Organizing for AFJN
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CHILD SOLDIERS ALERT
The tragedy of child soldiers is well known to Africa and to those of us
seeking justice in Africa and with Africans. In May 2000, the United Nations adopted the Optional
Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which bans the use of children as soldiers.
It establishes 18 as the minimum age for conscription or participation in armed conflict.
93 countries have signed the Optional Protocol, including the United States.
Ratification, however, has been slow, and only last month did New Zealand become the tenth nation
to do so, thus enabling the protocol to enter into force on 12 February, 2002.
The U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee reportedly will hold ratification
hearings in January or February. Contact your senators to stress the importance of U.S.
ratification of the Optional Protocol. Call upon them to make ratification a top priority in the
new session of Congress.
You can reach your Senator by calling 202/224-3121, or through electronic mail.
You can find e-mail links by going to www.senate.gov/contacting/index.cfm.
Dear Senator ________
The cruel exploitation of children as soldiers takes place in many parts of the
world. I understand that the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which
serves to impose a global ban on child soldiers, is to come before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee in the next two months.
I urge the Senate to move forward quickly to ratify the protocol. Please do all in your power
to ensure that ratification is a top priority in this congressional session. I look forward to
hearing from you as to your views on this crucial matter.
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RECENT AFJN SIGN-ONS
In the latter part of 2001, AFJN signed on to a number of initiatives related
to our agenda. Below are the principal ones:
03 October 01 -- Interaction's letter to House and Senate conferees on
the Foreign Operations Bill urging the highest funding level possible in the FY'02 measure for
development and humanitarian assistance programs.
11 October 01 -- Interfaith Working Group on Trade & Investment
letter opposing presidential "fast track" Trade Promotion Authority because of concerns
about negative effects of trade agreements on vulnerable communities and the environment in the
U.S. and in developing countries. Also because diminished congressional involvement in shaping
trade agreements undermines democratic debate.
12 October 01 -- International NGO coalition letter raising concerns and
suggestions on much needed institutional reforms in the WTO, notably issues of internal and
19 October 01 -- Letter from religious and humanitarian groups in
support of House and Senate letters calling on President Bush and the U.S. Congress to implement a
$1 billion emergency supplemental appropriation for the Global AIDS and Health Fund.
05 December 01 -- Faith Action for People-Centered Development letter to President Bush,
following the September 11 tragedy, urging his administration to take a lead role in a global
effort to end hunger, stop the AIDS pandemic and alleviate poverty, thereby helping to eliminate
the seed-beds of despair and anger.
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SECRET DE POLICNINELLE
by Marcel Kitissou
It has a beautiful name in French: secret de Polichinelle - something
everybody knows but nobody talks about. This was the title of a recent article in Jeune Afrique/l'Intelligent,
which described how political leaders in France have connived with those of Francophone Africa to
influence the French electoral process. One might call it "parallel hierarchies."
How does it work? Next year there will be a presidential election in France.
French political envoys will pressure African heads of state to give financial support to their
parties with the understanding of a future mutual payoff.
Such practices challenge democratic fairness, democratic processes, and
openness to changes. For the African leaders involved, it is a cheap way to buy political life
insurance. For ordinary African citizens, it further disenfranchises and demoralizes them, and
reduces Western lectures on the value of democracy to the status of hypocrisy and irrelevance. And
for the international community, it is a slap on the face. While it is working to support
democratic change in Africa, including economically, money is being extracted and smuggled
out of an impoverished continent to influence elections in a developed country.
Marcel Kitissou is Executive Director of AFJN
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Africa Faith and Justice Network is a Catholic network of individual and group members
focused on Africa and the experience of its people. AFJN is committed in faith to collaborate in
the task of transforming United States mentality and policy on Africa. It seeks to be an
instrument of education and advocacy on behalf of justice for Africa.
AFJN Board of Directors
Séamus Finn - Chair
Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate
Durstyne Farnan - Vice Chair
Adrian Dominican Sisters
Pasquino Panato - Sec/Treasurer
Congregation of the Holy Cross
Congregation of the Holy Ghost
J. Philip Reed
Society of Missionaries of Africa
Srs of the Holy Names of Jesus & Mary
Anne Louise Von Hoene
Medical Mission Sisters
Society of African Missions
Marcel Kitissou Executive Director
Larry J. Goodwin Associate Director for Organizing
Carole Collins Policy Analyst
Katie Donohoe Development Coordinator
Fidele Dikete Intern
Michael Kauder Volunteer
Larry J. Goodwin
Web Site and List-Servs
AFJN is grateful to the CatholicUniversity of America for hosting its web site and list-servs
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