Around Africa
Jan/Feb 2002 
A Publication of the Africa Faith and Justice Network

AFJN Rapid Response Network
Zimbabwe on the Brink
Bush Official Meets Africa-Focused NGOs
Arusha Accords
African Farmers Alert
Bush Administration Undermines Clean Diamonds Act
Child Soldiers Alert
Recent AFJN Sign-Ons
Secret de Polichinele

As we begin the year 2002, AFJN board and staff wish you a Happy New Year! May the Divine Wisdom guide us as we work together to alleviate the human suffering particularly widespread throughout the continent of Africa. Despite moments of despair, we believe we can make a difference because the problems plaguing Africans are largely human-made. By changing policies and practices, we can help Africans to remove many of the obstacles to achieving their hopes....

On December 4 the boards of Africa Faith and Justice Network and of the Washington Office on Africa met jointly to explore whether and how greater collaboration could boost the effectiveness of both organizations. Participants found the meeting timely, stimulating and productive, and they agreed to meet twice a year. AFJN and WOA staffs currently are exploring more concrete and regular forms of staff collaboration. In addition, AFJN staff organized two retreats to review work roles and concretize AFJN advocacy strategy for 2002. We were delighted, at our second retreat, to welcome Katie Donohoe on board as AFJN’s new part-time development coordinator.

As we went to press, news arrived of the horrific devastation caused by the volcanic eruptions near Goma in eastern Congo. A human rights activist with whom our staff has worked lives in an area trapped by lava flows. We pray for her and the hundreds of thousands of Congolese who have lost their homes and possessions, on top of all the suffering they have lived through during years of conflict. Will the world notice? Or will it again ignore these wretched of this earth?

Marcel Kitissou, PhD
Executive Director, AFJN


We have established a Rapid Response Network for AFJN members who have access to email! This is an easy and effective way to reach your member of Congress (MC) on important matters of just U.S. policy toward Africa. Joining the network means:

  • Taking action on the AFJN email alerts you receive

  • Circulating the alerts to others

  • Copying AFJN on the action you have taken

Along with each action alert you will receive:

  • A concise explanation of the issue

  • A short sample message to your Member of Congress

To Join the AFJN Rapid Response Network
Email Larry Goodwin at with your name, email address, city and state. Include your Congressional District if you know it. Thanks for helping us to be a more effective voice for and with Africa!
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By Carole Collins

Zimbabwe’s political crisis deepened in December and January as reports of political violence, mostly by supporters of the ruling ZANU party, rose significantly in advance of the Presidential election scheduled for March 9-10.

Many feel Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has made a mockery of efforts by African leaders to broker a political breakthrough. Despite promises of human rights reforms made to the Commonwealth, the European Union (EU) and SADC, Amnesty International notes little sign that ZANU’s intimidation, torture and killings of political opponents have slowed. On January 21 Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo criticized failure to implement last September’s Abuja Peace Accord after meeting Mugabe and then opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai in Harare in an effort to ease the political crisis.

By the end of January many schools were closing due to teachers’ fears of political violence. Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has described the situation as "low-intensity civil war." On January 20, scored were wounded when police and ZANU militants prevented MDC supporters from attending a public rally in Bulawayo.

As a result, African and western policymakers and NGOs have begun gearing up for sanctions and for dealing with the political and humanitarian ramifications of possible post-election civil conflict. Reuters reported that the South African government had begun preparing a camp for Zimbabwean refugees should developments reach "meltdown.” Australia has developed plans to evacuate its nationals if civil unrest significantly worsens.

Desperate measures... Mugabe has deployed ever more desperate measures to intimidate growing opposition to his rule:

  • he stacked Zimbabwe’s High Court with pro-ZANU appointees willing to declare his land expropriation program legal, in hopes this might blunt critiques by MDC backers and the international community
  • In December he postponed Mayoral elections in hopes this would slow the momentum of public support for the opposition MDC, which has won several recent Mayoral elections in large urban areas
  • in early January Mugabe accused Zimbabwean whites and the MDC of anthrax attacks on his government
  • this month ZANU Parliamentarians (MPs) passed a law allowing security forces broad powers to curb political opposition and barring millions of Zimbabweans abroad from voting
  • as AFJN went to press, ZANU MPs planned to enact severe new media restrictions that would bar foreign reporters, jail reporters for sowing ‘alarm and despondency’ and bar reporting on cabinet proceedings
  • without a ZANU membership card, most rural Zimbabweans are finding it impossible to travel, get medical treatment, seeds and other agricul- tural aid, or obtain school places for their children

Central to Mugabe’s strategy to stay in power has been the misuse of army and police units to support anti-MDC violence by ZANU militants. He recently raised army and police pay by 100%; top army commanders also said they would refuse to accept the election outcome should the opposition win. Mugabe’s emerging governance-style recalls that perfected by the late Zairean dictator Mobutu - unleash military units to attack and loot civilians wherever the political opposition is gaining support. Mugabe has resisted some political and military allies’ urging to step down and appoint a successor to maximize ZANU’s electoral prospects.

Civil Society increasingly active... Civil society groups have spoken out strongly against Mugabe’s policies, but to little avail. Recent statements critical of ZANU and/or Mugabe were issued by the Human Rights Forum (saying the Abuja agreement was a ‘dead letter’); the Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (condemning the violence); the National Constitutional Assembly head (who denounced ZANU attacks); the Manicaland Churches; the Legal Resources Foundation; and the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (which charged that the forthcoming elections were being rigged). Last October Zimbabwe’s Crisis Conference Coordinating Committee urged SADC to create an independent monitoring presence to investigate conflicting reports around the land invasions, rural violence and election-related intimidation, a call echoed by Amnesty International in mid-January.

Absorbing one lesson from Zambia’s recent election (where competing opposition candidates split the vote, allowing the election of President Chiluba’s hand picked successor), ZAPU has announced it will not run a presidential candidate against MDC presidential candidate Tsvangirai.

Mugabe’s growing international isolation ...  In mid-December U.S. President George W. Bush signed the Zimbabwe Economic Recovery Act into law. [For a summary of its provisions, see Around Africa, April 2001] This followed a series of meetings called by Nigerian President Obasanjo, by the Commonwealth, and by SADC seeking to persuade Mugabe and ZANU to abide by the rule of law. In each case ZANU and Mugabe – most notably at ZANU’s annual December party conference – gave lip service to respecting human rights but maintained or escalated violent tactics.

Despite Mugabe’s end of January decision to allow some EU election observers, the Commonwealth moved towards possible suspension of Zimbabwe’s membership. The European parliament in December urged a freeze of Mugabe’s assets and a travel ban on Mugabe and his closest associates. EU foreign ministers were slated to discuss Zimbabwe Jan. 28 in Brussels and at a Commonwealth committee on Jan. 30.

The U.S. stepped up its diplomatic pressure in mid-January with a visit to Zimbabwe by Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Lorne Craner. During a visit to South Africa, Congressman Ed Royce, chair of the House's Africa Committee, noted that in addition to boosting pressure on Mugabe to allow a free and fair election, the U.S. was moving to locate millions of dollars reportedly deposited abroad by Mugabe and his cronies.

SADC has remained ambivalent, a product of members’ own unresolved struggles over land redistribution. In mid-September SADC leaders tried to facilitate dialogue to ease Zimbabwe’s political crisis, persuading Mugabe to meet with MDC head Morgan Tsvangirai. But in mid-December a communique by SADC’s Ministerial Task Force on Developments, issued at the end of a 2-day visit to Zimbabwe, claimed the situation was improving. In mid-January Amnesty International said SADC appeared “unwilling to confront the deepening human rights crisis in Zimbabwe,” and opposition leader Tsvangirai in a BBC interview decried SADC’s “double standards and hypocrisy” in failing to more forcefully condemn human rights abuses by ZANU.

The Congo war..  Zimbabwe’s military involvement in the Congo remains highly unpopular among ordinary citizens. Zimbabwean troops, possibly as many as 10,000 soldiers, have been recalled from the DRC, reportedly to boost votes for Mugabe (since most Zimbabweans abroad will not be allowed to vote) but also to allow their deployment in pro-MDC urban areas. But military units vital to DRC Pres. Joseph Kabila’s security remain in Kinshasa, and Mugabe and other top ZANU allies seem determined to hold onto whatever investments in the DRC that might bear fruit.
Carole Collins is Policy Analyst for AFJN
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by Marcel Kitissou

On January 8, Walter Kansteiner, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, met with members of the Advocacy Network for Africa (ADNA), a coalition of over 250 national, regional and local groups – including major religious groups – seeking more just U.S. policies toward Africa. During his hour-long visit, he outlined Bush Administration policy priorities toward Africa and how September 11 has added security concerns to these priorities, before responding to ADNA members’ questions.

Kansteiner outlined five major administration policy goals for Africa: 

  • supporting economic development, including raising per capita GNP and living standards, mainly through the private sector and public-private partnerships, which he views as more effective than foreign aid

  • supporting democratization, civil society capacity-building and an independent judiciary, noting that little foreign investment would flow to countries lacking security or protection for such investments 

  • responding to Africa’s HIV/AIDS crisis, both bilaterally and multilaterally, including via the Global Trust Fund

  • protecting Africa’s environment, including its rainforests and tourism industry, the largest employer and second largest foreign exchange earner on the continent

  • conflict resolution, essential if other goals are to be met

Kansteiner noted that post-September 11 counter-terrorism concerns have heightened U.S. scrutiny of Sudan and Somalia but that the U.S. would proceed cautiously before deciding on any military intervention. He noted the Treasury Department’s use of ‘forensic accounting’ to track terrorist financial flows, corrupt money and money laundering.

ADNA members queried Kansteiner on a variety of issues, including use of bilateral aid to fund U.S. consultants; Bush efforts to weaken conflict diamonds legislation; possible U.S. support for anti-government forces in the Sudan; whether human rights might be sacrificed to U.S. security concerns; the African Crisis Response Initiative; the U.S. response to Africa’s HIV/AIDS pandemic, and many others. He characterized the Africa Growth and Opportunities Act, the U.S. trade bill opposed by AFJN, as a “tremendous building block” for strengthening U.S.- Africa relations and said he was actively seeking more funds to expand U.S. diplomatic staff in Africa.

He described the New African Initiative proposed by African leaders as both encouraging and frustrating, but praised its emphasis on agricultural development, education and crisis prevention. On debt relief, he said they were working, against World Bank and IMF opposition, to gain backing for President Bush's proposal to turn 50% of WB/IMF lending into grants for Africa.
Marcel Kitissou is Executive Director or AFJN
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by Fidele Dikete, CICM, with assistance from Carole Collins

Last July Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni convened the 15th Summit of the Regional Peace Initiative on Burundi in his role as Summit Chairman. Attending were presidents Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya, Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania, Pierre Buyoya of Burundi, Nelson Mandela, former South African president who is currently facilitator for the Burundi Peace Process, representatives of other African heads of state and representatives of the OAU and UN. The summit centered on two contentious issues:

  • who should lead the Burundi government as president during the transitional period; and

  • how to reach a ceasefire between the Tutsi-dominated Burundi army and the two main Hutu armed groups, CNDD-FDD and FNL-PALIPEHUTU, which had broken with Burundi’s main Hutu political parties in remaining largely outside the Arusha peace talks process

Burundi participants agreed to split the three-year transitional period into two halves, with a Hutu and Tutsi leader alternating as president and vice-president every 18 months, but remained divided on the sequence. In July they suggested that the president of the G-10 group of (mainly Tutsi) political parties serve as Burundi’s president during the first half of the Transitional period, and the head of the G-7 group of (mainly Hutu) parties be vice-president. However, the G-10 failed to agree on who should be president, and the CNDD initially opposed nominating FRODEBU leader Domitien Ndayizeye as vice president.

Following heated debate, however, Nelson Mandela as facilitator persuaded participants to agree to Tutsi President Pierre Buyoya serving as Burundi president for the initial transitional period and FRODEBU’s Ndayizeye (Hutu) as vice president. During this first 18-month period, the president – who assumed office in early November – was tasked with:

  • seeking full implementation of the Arusha Accords

  • soliciting a regional and international peacekeeping force [Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal and South Africa subsequently offered troops, and Belgium logistical help, to ensure implementation of the accords]

  • offering protection to all political leaders returning from exile

  • relinquishing power at the end of the 18-month period

By December, observers could see both progress and continuing challenges on the long road to peace. Progress was reflected in the growing numbers of returning exiles; the approval of a Transitional Constitution; the arrival of 700 South African troops in Bujumbura to reinforce a final ceasefire once it is reached; donor willingness to begin committing resources for reconstruction and development and to consider debt relief; and the failure of two army coups by hardline Tutsi elements.

However, many challenges remain. Trust and confidence levels are low on both sides, and the peace process remains fragile. Since the accord was signed, human rights groups (including Human Right Watch) have reported numerous human rights violations, including killings, rapes, and other crimes. Army-rebel confrontations and violence have risen (possibly due to last minute jockeying for political leverage, nervousness as to whether a peace agreement would really benefit them, and/or a lack of command and control).

The main Hutu armed opposition forces still remain largely outside the accords and have accused both Tutsi and Hutu political parties of ‘hijacking’ the peace process. The CNDD recently raised several old demands, including seeking to negotiate only with the army rather than with political parties. There has been little progress toward creating an all-Burundi protection force, and the Tutsi army is resisting fundamental reforms until a ceasefire is firmly in place.

Many feel the Transitional Government needs to move more rapidly to create a new Senate, announce a provisional amnesty, release political prisoners (an issue raised at Arusha by the FDD), create institutions for more democratic and accountable governance – and move to identify and tackle the root causes of the war.

To emerge from its spiral of communal violence, all Burundi parties ultimately must address the difficult issues of accountability and impunity. The Arusha agreement calls for UN involvement in forming an international tribunal on war crimes. Others feel some form of Truth Commission must be crafted to help Burundians look beyond group versions and perceptions of history. Independent media may play a key role in helping this happen.

Complicating the peace process in the coming months will be the political impact of returning politicians and refugees and the continuing impact of the security and political situations in neighboring Congo and Rwanda. The World Bank, in an effort to deal with these regional dynamics, is set to approve in March a major regional reconstruction and rehabilitation program for all three countries.
Fidele Dikete is staff intern for AFJN. Carole Collins is Policy Analyst for AFJN
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AFJN and other groups concerned about Africa’s AIDS/HIV pandemic are making a major push between now and April to get $2.5 billion for global AIDS programs included in the Congressional Budget Resolution! And we need your help!

We are asking you to

  • Write or call your Senators and Representatives starting NOW [Congressional Switchboard: 202-224-3121. NB Fax numbers for members can often be found on their office's website listed at and]

  • Request that they write to the leaders of the House and Senate Budget Committees to urge that $2.5 billion to stop global AIDS be included in the Budget Resolution for 2003

  • Request a personal meeting to discuss this issue with your senators and representative during the mid-February Presidents’ Day recess (Feb 18-22). These local visits will be key to the success of this campaign.

Experts estimate that the international community must spend at least $10 billion per year to effectively stop the global spread of aids. Only $1.5 billion from all sources was spent in 2001. The U.S. can well afford to take more substantive action today to reduce the damaging impact HIV/AIDS is having on the world.

For fiscal year 2002, the U.S. is providing $578 million for AIDS programs sponsored by U.S. agencies, including the Agency for International Development and others, plus approximately $200 million for the Global Fund. We are seeking a total U.S. funding level of $2.5 billion, about half for programs of U.S. agencies and half for the Global Fund.

Why action is needed now!
The next three months will be critical to fighting AIDS in Africa and other regions. Congressional Budget Committees are making key decisions now on how much U.S. funding will go toward the fight against global AIDS for fiscal year 2003. Budget Committee members involved in preparing the 2003 Budget Resolution need to hear from their constituents that they support the massive increase in funding vital for effective prevention, care and treatment of AIDS-HIV, as well as support for orphans. They also need to hear from their congressional colleagues that their constituents are extremely concerned about the issue.

If any of your members of Congress (MCs) sit on the Budget Committee, you can help to pour on the pressure! Please contact the Global Aids Alliance to coordinate action with other local activists - email If your members of Congress are not on these committees, it is still vitally important to ask them to write to the leadership of these committees to urge an earmark of $2.5 billion for total U.S. funding for global AIDS programs:

  • Senate Budget Committee: Sen. Conrad (D-ND), Chairman; Sen. Pete Domenici (R-NM), Ranking member

  • House Budget Committee: Rep. Jim Nussle (R-IA), Chairman; John Spratt (D-SC), Ranking Member

AFJN can send you additional background information upon request, particularly if you are planning to visit your members of Congress. These materials include contact info for other activists in your area, quotes from editorials in major newspapers in support of funding increases, statements of support by various organizations, and additional info on global AIDS to justify the funding request. You can also find these and other materials on web site: 

Major points to make

  • The U.S. is not doing enough to show real leadership and can well afford to do much more to help stop global AIDS

  • You support providing $2.5 billion in FY 2003 resources to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and malaria, and to bilateral AIDS programs

  • These funds should be in addition to – and not at the expense of – other programs of international aid to impoverished countries

  • You urgently request that your MC contact the leadership of the Budget Committee to ensure that these funds are included in the budget resolution

For more information, please contact Carole Collins, AFJN Policy Analyst, at (202)-832-3412 or
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Rep. Maxine Waters (D-CA35) and five other members of Congress have introduced the Agriculture and Farm Resources for the Indigenous Communities of Africa Resolution (the AFRICA Resolution - H. Con. Res. 260) to uphold AFRICAN FARMERS’ rights over their OWN seeds and food crops. The AFRICA Resolution expresses the sense of Congress that African farmers' rights to save and use their agricultural and biological resources should be upheld under international trade law. The resolution is consistent with the position of the Africa Group at the World Trade Organization that seeds, plants, crops and other agricultural genetic resources should not be patented.

Help protect African farmers' rights! Contact your Congressional Representative immediately. Urge her/him to cosponsor H. Con. Res. 260 - the AFRICA resolution.

For more information, please contact Larry J. Goodwin, AFJN Assoc. Dir. for Organizing, at (202) 832-3412 or 
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by Larry J. Goodwin

The Bush administration has seriously undermined the integrity of the Clean Diamond Trade Act (H.R. 2722), a measure intended to bar rebel movements in Sierra Leone, Angola and elsewhere from using illicit trade in diamonds to fund their operations.

After several years of hard work by NGOs, including AFJN, and with the cooperation of the diamond industry, a conflict diamonds bill of real merit came before Congress last year. President Bush has basically destroyed this important effort. As now written, the House version does not require the president to prohibit the importation of conflict diamonds. Rather, it states that the president "may" prohibit such imports as long as the prohibition is necessary to protect the essential security interests of the U.S. and is consistent with U.S. foreign policy aims.

This change turns the original intent of the legislation - to prevent traffic in conflict diamonds - on its head. Instead of reserving the power to waive the prohibition against importing conflict diamonds in a case of national security, now the president may prohibit such imports, but only if the prohibition itself is necessary to safeguard U.S. national or security interests. Otherwise not! This results in the absurd situation of having to demonstrate that prohibiting the import of conflict diamonds from Sierra Leone or the DRC is essential to our security! The Bush Administration has effectively hijacked the Clean Diamonds Act by making U.S. interests the touchstone of the measure rather than cutting off illicit resources to protect the hapless victims of armed conflict, as originally intended.

What are we left with? We now have a House bill that says the president may prohibit the importation of conflict diamonds if he wants to and if it is essential to our security that he does so. We have a bill that disregards a long-sought international certification process.


  • Contact your senators, telling them to reject the Bush-imposed version of H.R. 2722 coming out of the House

  • Write to President Bush, stating your opposition to the compromises his administration has forced in the House bill

E-mail your senators by going to:
E-mail President Bush at:
Larry J. Goodwin is Associate Director for Organizing for AFJN
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The tragedy of child soldiers is well known to Africa and to those of us seeking justice in Africa and with Africans. In May 2000, the United Nations adopted the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which bans the use of children as soldiers. It establishes 18 as the minimum age for conscription or participation in armed conflict.

93 countries have signed the Optional Protocol, including the United States. Ratification, however, has been slow, and only last month did New Zealand become the tenth nation to do so, thus enabling the protocol to enter into force on 12 February, 2002.

The U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee reportedly will hold ratification hearings in January or February. Contact your senators to stress the importance of U.S. ratification of the Optional Protocol. Call upon them to make ratification a top priority in the new session of Congress.

You can reach your Senator by calling 202/224-3121, or through electronic mail. You can find e-mail links by going to

Sample Letter
Dear Senator ________

The cruel exploitation of children as soldiers takes place in many parts of the world. I understand that the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which serves to impose a global ban on child soldiers, is to come before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in the next two months.

I urge the Senate to move forward quickly to ratify the protocol. Please do all in your power to ensure that ratification is a top priority in this congressional session. I look forward to hearing from you as to your views on this crucial matter.
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In the latter part of 2001, AFJN signed on to a number of initiatives related to our agenda. Below are the principal ones:

03 October 01 -- Interaction's letter to House and Senate conferees on the Foreign Operations Bill urging the highest funding level possible in the FY'02 measure for development and humanitarian assistance programs.

11 October 01 -- Interfaith Working Group on Trade & Investment letter opposing presidential "fast track" Trade Promotion Authority because of concerns about negative effects of trade agreements on vulnerable communities and the environment in the U.S. and in developing countries. Also because diminished congressional involvement in shaping trade agreements undermines democratic debate.

12 October 01 -- International NGO coalition letter raising concerns and suggestions on much needed institutional reforms in the WTO, notably issues of internal and external transparency.

19 October 01 -- Letter from religious and humanitarian groups in support of House and Senate letters calling on President Bush and the U.S. Congress to implement a $1 billion emergency supplemental appropriation for the Global AIDS and Health Fund.

05 December 01 -- Faith Action for People-Centered Development letter to President Bush, following the September 11 tragedy, urging his administration to take a lead role in a global effort to end hunger, stop the AIDS pandemic and alleviate poverty, thereby helping to eliminate the seed-beds of despair and anger.
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by Marcel Kitissou

It has a beautiful name in French: secret de Polichinelle - something everybody knows but nobody talks about. This was the title of a recent article in Jeune Afrique/l'Intelligent, which described how political leaders in France have connived with those of Francophone Africa to influence the French electoral process. One might call it "parallel hierarchies."

How does it work? Next year there will be a presidential election in France. French political envoys will pressure African heads of state to give financial support to their parties with the understanding of a future mutual payoff.

Such practices challenge democratic fairness, democratic processes, and openness to changes. For the African leaders involved, it is a cheap way to buy political life insurance. For ordinary African citizens, it further disenfranchises and demoralizes them, and reduces Western lectures on the value of democracy to the status of hypocrisy and irrelevance. And for the international community, it is a slap on the face. While it is working to support democratic change in Africa, including economically, money is being extracted and smuggled out of an impoverished continent to influence elections in a developed country.
Marcel Kitissou is Executive Director of AFJN
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Africa Faith and Justice Network is a Catholic network of individual and group members focused on Africa and the experience of its people. AFJN is committed in faith to collaborate in the task of transforming United States mentality and policy on Africa. It seeks to be an instrument of education and advocacy on behalf of justice for Africa.

AFJN Board of Directors
Séamus Finn - Chair
Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate

Durstyne Farnan - Vice Chair
Adrian Dominican Sisters

Pasquino Panato - Sec/Treasurer
Comboni Fathers

Philip Armstrong
Congregation of the Holy Cross

Anthony Gittins
Congregation of the Holy Ghost

Anselm Malonda

J. Philip Reed
Society of Missionaries of Africa

Jo'Ann DeQuattro
Srs of the Holy Names of Jesus & Mary

Mike Snyder
Maryknoll Missionaries

Anne Louise Von Hoene
Medical Mission Sisters

Ted Hayden
Society of African Missions

AFJN Staff
Marcel Kitissou Executive Director
Larry J. Goodwin Associate Director for Organizing
Carole Collins Policy Analyst 
Katie Donohoe Development Coordinator
Fidele Dikete Intern
Michael Kauder Volunteer

Contributing Writers
Marcel Kitissou
Larry J. Goodwin
Carole Collins
Fidele Dikete

Newsletter Design
Megeen White

Web Site and List-Servs
AFJN is grateful to the CatholicUniversity of America for hosting its web site and list-servs
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